U.S. shamed again in EuropeOn May 15, 25 CIA agents and one U.S. Air Force colonel went on trial in Milan, Italy, on charges they kidnapped Italian resident Hassan Mustafa Osama Nasr and sent him to Egypt, where he was tortured, including having electrodes attached to various body parts. This is what the CIA calls “an extraordinary rendition” — flying terrorism suspects to nations known for torturing prisoners, including prisoners from whom the CIA could not extract information.
By: Nat Hentoff, The Jamestown Sun
On May 15, 25 CIA agents and one U.S. Air Force colonel went on trial in Milan, Italy, on charges they kidnapped Italian resident Hassan Mustafa Osama Nasr and sent him to Egypt, where he was tortured, including having electrodes attached to various body parts. This is what the CIA calls “an extraordinary rendition” — flying terrorism suspects to nations known for torturing prisoners, including prisoners from whom the CIA could not extract information.
These operatives of our legendary CIA were caught scarlet-handed, having left a clear trail of cell-phone calls and bills paid at expensive Italian hotels. Also indicted in this contemptuous violation of the International Conventions Against Torture are members of the Italian secret service accused of being complicit with the CIA in this lawless kidnapping,
The United States, of course, refuses to extradite the 26 Americans on trial. After all, the president repeatedly assures the world that “the United States does not torture.”
Further diminishing our reputation, the Italian trial of the CIA agents is being held after the unanimous Feb. 8 ruling by the European Court of Human Rights prohibiting governments — as the March 1 Economist reported — from deporting “an individual to a state where he may be at risk of torture or other ill-treatment.”
Obviously, if it is forbidden for a person to criminally ignore the absolute ban on torture in Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights, it is also unlawful to kidnap people and transport them to other countries to be tortured.
Further lowering world respect for our all-too-often shameful post-9/11 human-rights record, George W. Bush (on May 8) vetoed a bill passed by the House and Senate that required the CIA to adhere to the Army Field Manual’s rules of interrogation that forbid torture — already a mandate for all of our other armed services.
As Amnesty International said of that continuing “special power” for the CIA: “The Bush administration continues its stubborn and reckless disregard for basic decency and values the United States should model. The president’s action further compounds the incalculable damage to United States’ standing at home and abroad.”
In Congress, U.S. Representative Edward Markey, D-Mass., and Sen. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., introduced bills in 2007 and earlier to end CIA renditions, but the bills have not moved — making Congress also a major actor in the derision of our moral — and our law-enforcement — standards in many parts of the world.
During their campaigns, I have not heard from Barack Obama, John McCain or Hillary Clinton on whether they will, if elected, act to end this shame of the United States. (McCain, of course, strongly favors “special powers” for the CIA.) And if the Democrats continue to control the next Congress, their congressional leaders — Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi — have been indifferent to erasing the stain of our being a torture nation.
In reaction to the president’s veto of the legislation that would order the CIA to recognize basic human rights, Scott Atran — a research scientist at New York’s John Jay College (which specializes in criminal law), the University of Michigan and France’s National Center for Scientific Research — made the vital point in a New York Times letter (March 11) that: “America is currently caught in a battle between the competing rhetorics of ... tribalism ... and of humanity. Given our singular military and cultural power in today’s world, no less than the future of 250 years of human-rights development rests on how this internal American battle is resolved.”
I know that may sound like a form of jingoism, but consider who the other powerful future nations could be for years ahead: China in particular. If the United States’ cultural and moral resonance can be regained, we will be a force for basic decency and humane values during the continuing war for civilization.
“Americans,” Atran continued, “sense that this is a fateful election for our Republic; they may not realize how important it is for the world as a whole.”
The present polls do not indicate this priority among our electorate of the world’s stake, let alone our own historic human-rights values, in this election. It could help if one of the presidential candidates were to remind voters of how our values have been transmogrified since 9/11 by the present administration — as insisted on by Dick Cheney in an interview on NBC’s “Meet the Press” on Sept. 16, 2001:
“We’ve got to spend time in the shadows in the intelligence world. A lot of what needs to be done here will have to be done quietly, without any discussion, using sources and methods that are available to our intelligence agencies, if we’re going to be successful. That’s the world these folks operate in, and so it’s going to be vital for us to use any means at our disposal, basically, to achieve our objective.”
Is America to be a model to the world by resembling our enemies? Who will WE be, then? So this can indeed be a fateful election — and not only for our Republic.
Nat Hentoff is a nationally renowned authority on the First Amendment and the Bill of Rights and author of many books, including “The War on the Bill of Rights and the Gathering Resistance” (Seven Stories Press, 2004).
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